Shaping Public Discourse on the Peace Process
Apart from having our work covered in the media, JPL has had many
published articles, op-ed pieces, and television and radio appearances
in diverse Israeli, Palestinian and American media outlets discussing the Peace Process. Go to JPL ARCHIVES for a more complete list
of JPL's work. Here are some of the most recent publications and
contributions:
Al-Quds, 9 July 2008 -
A rigourous exploration of the meanings of these two oft-mentioned rights -- "The Refugees' Right to Return" and "Israel's Right to Exist as a Jewish State" -- is necessary for enabling further progress towards resolution of the Israeli conflict. Interpreting the two rights in relation to each other yields particularly valuable insights and possibilities.
Haaretz, 9 May 2008 -
The US should take a tough love policy towards Israel just life Bush Sr. did with PM Shamir before the Madrid talks.
To see the original article as appearing on the Haaretz website
Haaretz, 9 March 2008 -
The best option is to lure Hamas into the peace process through the ratification-by-referendum modality.
The article ran also in Arabic at the Al-Ayyam newspaper on 19 March, 2008
To see the original article as appearing on the Haaretz website
Al-Quds, 27 September 2007 -
An implementation-based process which clarified in advance the de-jure borders may actually provide a solution both to Israel's security concerns and internal Palestinian unity.
Click here to see the Arabic version as it appeared in Al-Quds newspaper
Haaretz, 15 November 2007 -
The Palestinian Declaration of Independence was issued in 1988 as part of a Palestinian peace initiative and was a remarkable opportunity to bring the conflict to a close.
Haaretz, 13 July 2007 -
Making security performance a part of the of the process of ending occupation rather than a precondition for negotiations can bring Palestinian statehood within a year.
YNETNews, 6 June 2007 -
Before Hamas fully takes over the Palestinian territories, the conflict parties need to agree on something roughly similar to the Clinton Parameters. There are a few ways for doing so.
YNET, 20 March 2007 -
Israel has no need to fear UN resolution 194. There are many ways it can accept it while presenting a consistent argument regarding its impracticability.
Haaretz, 16 February 2007 -
Israel has to decide between negotiating a provisional agreement along the lines of phase 2 of the roadmap or a final status agreement with performance-based implementation. The latter is by far the preferable option.
Haaretz, 11 October 2006 -
The Iranian President and the Hamas leadership commit to accept any peace treaty ratified in a referendum by the Palestinian people. This presents an important opportunity for the Quartet, which should put forward a proposal for a fully drafted end-of conflict treaty that Israel and the PLO will improve and put for ratification.
Al Quds, June 2006 -
Rather than conducting a referendum on the Prisoners' Document, on which there is a clear Palestinian majority, one should focus on the unique potential that lies in the referendum-based ratification process for agreements negotiated with Israel which the imprisoned Palestinian leadership has agreed to.
Haaretz, 20 June 2006 -
Israel can conduct a Convergence plan and gain international recognition of the borders it withdraws to as permanent. To achieve this it has to gain American commitment to work within the UNSC for the line Israel supports. The PLO would likely do the same through other permanent members and final decision will be taken in the UNSC in a way that both sides are assured they have the support of an actor with veto-powers. The UNSC will determine that withdrawal to a specific line will fulfill the withdrawal provisions of UNSC resolution 242.
Haaretz, 18 March 2006 -
A nuanced reading of the right to exist in historical perspective is presented and highlights some crucial distinctions that were kept ambiguous so far and thus blocked progress. Chief among these are the distinction between a legal and a moral right, and the one between the right of a state to come into existence or to remain in existence.
Al Quds, February 25, 2006 -
Hamas and the PLO should propose to Israel a referendum-based ratification process for agreements negotiated with Israel.
Haaretz, 2 February 2006 -
Given the fact that even after Hamas's victory in the elections they have not achieved control over the PA presidency or the PLO, a path is still open for the resolution of the conflict. A referendum based peace process can be launched. Rapid negotiations can begin based on a draft provided by the quartet and the resulting document will be presented to ratification by referendum in both societies. Crucially, both sides will commit in advance to abide by the referendums results.
American Jewish Newspapers, Spring 2004 -
Careful reading of the famous Altalena incident shows that rather than implying sustained military confrontation or civil war, the term "dismantling the terrorist infrastructure" can mean the integration of non-state fighters into the army of the state. By making "dismantlement" a necessary pre-condition the roadmap itself could be an obstacle for peace.
AL-QUDS, 31 May 2004 -
Based on an understanding that achieving a monopoly over the use of force within the context of the emergence of a new state can be significantly more effective, a proposal for a uni-lateral strategy for Palestinian independence and statehood which is "consistent" with the goals of the Roadmap is presented.
AL-QUDS, 19 June 2002 -
With a creative
initiative the Palestinian leadership can shift the debate onto its
strongest terrain -- final peace arrangements. To do so would win widespread
support within Europe and the United States, and would introduce a powerful
new dynamic within Israeli politics.
Moving Beyond Bilateral
Negotiations
CNN, 22 May 2002 - JPL president, Jerome M. Segal, is
interviewed on CNN's Moneyline News Hour with Lou Dobbs.
An American-Imposed Peace
HA'ARETZ, 14 March 2002 -
Unilateral separation is a seductive notion, with serious
flaws. It gives up land without getting peace in exchange. As a half-way
withdrawal, it is likely to spur greater violence. A far more decisive
approach is to have the United States impose, on both Israelis and
Palestinians, a final territorial settlement, roughly along the lines of the
Clinton parameters of December 2000.
NY TIMES, 17 February 2002 - Israelis and Palestinians
cannot negotiate a comprehensive peace on their own. There is an
alternative approach that should be considered. The Security Council,
with American leadership, could prescribe the central elements of a
territorial settlement.
THE NATION, 28 January 2002 - This plan seeks to achieve
separation of the two peoples, but not through unilateral action.
Rather, it proposes that the United States use the UN Security Council to
achieve a coordinated seperation.
HA'ARETZ, 1 October 2001 - The insistence that meeting the
demands of Israeli politics is the criteria for judging whether a
Palestinian proposal represents a genuine offer to end the conflict is a
continued problem.
MIDDLE EAST POLICY, June 2001 - The yet-to-be-completed task of negotiations needs to be identified: finding a way to accommodate a Palestinian right of return to Israel, while avoiding any actual return that threatens Israel's Jewish character.
AL-QUDS, 27 APRIL 2001 - The most powerful diplomatic step that the Palestinian leadership could take is to present to the world a detailed peace agreement that it is prepared to sign. It should be done publicly, directly to the Israeli people.
Haaretz, 1 FERBRUARY 2001 - A choice-based approach which protects the Jewish character of Israel is a far stronger basis for lasting peace than any other alternative.
CNN, 8 October 2000 - A "Clinton Plan" must be presented as a detailed American proposal for a permanent settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict.
HA'ARETZ, 27 July 2000 - Who has underlying sovereignty over the plateau itself? If this question is always answered in a traditional way - either Israel or Palestine is sovereign - then there will be no solution. Ultimate sovereignty belongs to God.
SH'MA, May 2000 - There can be two cities, but they must overlap in the Old City, the heart of both Yerushalayim and Al Quds.
THE INSTITUTE FOR PHILOSOPHY & PUBLIC POLICY, May 2000 - Exploring what actual peple experience as Jerusalem holds much promise as a key to resolving the conflict. Israelis recognize "Yerushalayim" and Palestinians recognize "Al Quds" very differently.
WASH. POST, 6 Feb. 2000 - For Palestinians, accepting Israel's right to remain a Jewish state is validated as the price to ensure that the state of Palestine includes Jerusalem. For Israelis, sharing Jerusalem is validated as the price to end the conflict.
MIDDLE EAST INSIGHT, January-February 1999 - Al-Quds and Yerushalayim: Two Names for Two Cities
WASHINGTON POST, 18 Oct. 1998 - If all issues other than Jerusalem are resolved, the stage will be set for a Jerusalem-centered, Jewish-Moslem conflict. Fortunately, much of the common wisdom about the non-negotiability of Jerusalem is mistaken.
|
